The issuance profile of Eurobonds (EU, ESM, EFSF) reflects their genesis as a temporary crisis response: opportunistic issuance on most demanded maturities under programs with implicit or explicit expiry dates. This was a signal of lacking commitment that has undermined their use as global market benchmark from the beginning. Accordingly, Eurobonds still struggle to be accepted in traditional sovereign bond indices, which has an additional negative impact on their liquidity and partly explains the bias in their investor base towards hold-to-maturity long-term investors rather than transaction-oriented investors such as asset managers and banks. To create a proper Eurobonds benchmark that also facilitates inclusion in large sovereign bond indices, the Eurobonds issuance policy has to switch to a permanent commitment, creating a liquid benchmark curve. Currently, outstanding Eurobond volumes are compared to the German Bund benchmark curve . As a first step, joint debt issuance should focus on the very short end of the euro yield curve (EU Bills) and opportunistically issue longer-dated instruments to finance defense and climate change programs (e.g. SAFE Bonds for European defense). These instruments are likely to meet the least political resistance as they either do not entail permanent fiscal transfers (EU Bills) or finance widely accepted European public goods. The current Euro Bills market – primarily supplied by Germany, France and Italy – has a volume of only about EUR500bn (vs USD8trn for US T-Bills); to have a meaningful global impact, EU Bills should reach at least two times that size. One should also consider that instead of issuing national bills, the individual DMOs (Debt Management Office) could do so within an “EU bill wrapper”. In this way, the EU-Bills issuance volume could be increased further. In the case of longer-dated Eurobonds, an additional EUR500bn in issuance would represent a substantive step forward. With a focus on defense spending needs, joint issuances could even reach EUR1.8trn in a catch-up phase from 2026 to 2035.
The creation of a European bills market is part of a broader strategy to internationalize the euro and take over markets share from the USD whose role is still dominant but weakening. The case for internationalizing the euro is compelling in the context of strategic autonomy. Despite higher seigniorage income (annually 0.15% of GDP for the ECB vs 0.5% of GDP for the Fed), a more international euro would reduce Europe's structural dependence on USD funding. Currently, Eurozone banks source roughly 17% of their funding in USD, with around 25% lacking sufficient USD liquidity to cover this exposure. Shifting more global trade and finance into euros would transfer foreign exchange risk away from European firms, lower hedging costs and stabilize revenues. It would also enhance Europe's geopolitical leverage, increasing it's the ability to deploy financial sanctions, resist USD coercion (tariff threats) and reduce exposure to US monetary policy spillovers. Developing a deep euro‑denominated offshore funding ecosystem is essential to expand the currency’s use in global transactions. This is in line with the ECB’s recent announcements on expanding the Euro Repo Facility (EUREP). EUREP will give non‑euro central banks access to euro liquidity against high‑quality collateral (government bonds, Eurobonds). Meanwhile, the swap‑line system provides foreign institutions with the euros they need to purchase those bonds and manage liquidity. This would support European autonomy by mitigating spillover effects when market stress rises in the US, China or other. To increase this, more collateral is needed. Eurobonds can play an essential role here if they are treated equally to euro government bonds.
Beyond financial stabilization, swap lines reinforce Europe’s diplomatic alliances with partners seeking protection from the growing rivalry between the two major powers. In that sense, swap lines operate as a sort of “financial NATO.” Foreign governments and investors increasingly want to diversify away from the strategic pressure exerted by both the US and China, and toward an economic area that still embraces open markets rather than zero‑sum protectionism. This dynamic is also at the core of Europe’s negotiations with Indo‑Pacific partners – an echo of Mark Carney’s ambition to “build a new trading bloc of 1.5 billion people.” But for Europe to offer a credible alternative, it must provide the financial infrastructure that makes strategic autonomy possible. The benefits of a more international euro are both financial and geopolitical. Europe would reduce its dependence on US infrastructure for payments, security and technology; strengthen its export competitiveness, secure commodity imports under EU regulatory standards and prevent the ongoing private‑sector shift toward US capital markets by offering firms the deep funding pool they need at home. The final component of a successful global‑euro strategy is the transition toward a digital euro and a modern mix of public and private money. Blockchain‑based technologies – embodied by central bank digital currencies and stablecoins – enable almost instantaneous, low‑cost convertibility between currencies without intermediaries. Europe should therefore build a stablecoin infrastructure supported by the newly created European bills market, which would guarantee its value and be held broadly by the retail sector. In parallel, an ECB‑issued e‑euro would support wholesale payments, ensuring safety and stability across borders and within the Eurozone. This dual system would deliver smooth and reliable funding to all users, strengthen foreign capital inflows, enhance the euro’s role in the global monetary system, reduce dependency on US technological platforms and lower transaction costs for businesses and consumers, in turn enhancing the growth within the union.
The EU increasingly operates through two-speed integration or enhanced cooperation mechanisms like the proposed 28th regime for capital markets. The existing Eurobonds structure relying mainly on the planning of the DG BUDG as de facto DMO for the entire EU might not prove flexible enough to adjust to the funding needs of changing coalitions around strategic targets. A flexible Eurobond architecture might become necessary to accommodate coalitions of the willing without fragmenting the single market. The German Länder-Jumbo model and Nordic Investment Bank framework offer a viable template for scaled Eurobond issuance without requiring full fiscal union or treaty change. Under this EU Jumbo structure, member states would join specific issuances on demand, contributing proportionally to fund specific strategic priorities, such as defense procurement, climate infrastructure or energy transition projects. This variable geometry approach resolves two critical constraints. First, it accommodates shifting political priorities: As defense urgency rises or climate imperatives evolve, the creditor coalition adjusts accordingly without requiring permanent fiscal commitments. Second, it allows non-Eurozone EU members to participate. Defense and climate expenditures are overwhelmingly denominated in euros regardless of national currency and countries like Poland or Sweden face natural EUR demand and would benefit from lower funding costs through pooled issuance. Eurobonds would become EU-Bonds.
The problem is that EU-Jumbos would add a layer of complexity to an already fragmented market. Unlike homogeneous sovereign curves, EU-Jumbos would initially exhibit pricing dispersion across tranches based on participant composition. However, if these instruments receive equivalent collateral treatment to existing Eurobonds and sovereign debt in ECB operations and bank capital frameworks, market acceptance becomes viable. The primary hurdle for Eurobonds is volume, not purity. Eurobond markets face a sequencing challenge: first achieve scale, then refine homogeneity. As issuance grows beyond EUR1–2trn outstanding, liquidity improves, bid-ask spreads compress and pricing converges toward a GDP-weighted benchmark – the trajectory already visible in existing Eurobonds issued since 2021. Participation by all the "Big Four" (Germany, France, Italy, Spain) in early issuances would be essential for market credibility and benchmark establishment.
This represents a cultural shift for national Debt Management Offices accustomed to full issuance autonomy, but it preserves more flexibility than a fully federalized parallel Eurobond structure. DMOs retain discretion over participation levels, maturity preferences and topic selection, while gaining access to deeper liquidity pools and lower funding costs. For smaller member states currently paying material liquidity premia and struggling to maintain primary dealer networks with limited issuance calendars, the EU-Jumbo framework would offer immediate relief. This is the same rationale that drove small German Bundesländer to create Jumbos. Critically, this approach does not immediately resolve Eurozone fragmentation: National sovereign curves would persist alongside EU-Jumbos, and the bifurcation between core and peripheral yields would remain in the near term. But as EU-Jumbo volume scales and market infrastructure deepens, the instrument becomes a structural alternative, gradually redistributing convenience yields and reducing the self-reinforcing concentration in Bunds. The imperfect intermediate solution may be the only politically feasible path to the EUR3–5trn European safe-asset market required for genuine reserve currency status.